Assessment of the French Presidency of the Council of Europe

“Europe in June 2022 is very different from Europe in January 2022,” declared Emmanuel Macron on 1 July 2022, as the six months of the French Presidency of the Council of the European Union (PFUE) came to an end. This presidency, profoundly reshaped by the war in Ukraine—which highlighted the European Union’s dependence on Russian hydrocarbons—above all allowed President Macron to place the French vision of a sovereign, independent, and humane Europe at the forefront of the political stage. The French political agenda gave the European Union a new strategic direction, as its members demonstrated unprecedented cooperation within the Council.

The council of europe

The Council of the European Union is, alongside the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council, one of the four decision-making institutions of the European Union. It brings together the ministers of the EU Member States by policy area and contributes in various ways to the development of European policies. The Council negotiates and adopts legislative acts, coordinates the economic, cultural, education, and employment policies of the 27 Member States, defines foreign and security policy in both trade and defence, concludes international agreements, and adopts the EU budget together with the European Parliament.

The presidency of the Council, held in turn by each Member State for a six-month period, allows the designated head of state to influence votes, debates, and resolutions within the institution, while ensuring continuity in decision-making processes and cooperation among members. From 1 January to 1 July 2022, President Emmanuel Macron held this role.

The pfue’s guiding principle

“Recovery, power, belonging”: this was the guiding principle proclaimed by Emmanuel Macron on 9 December 2021 at the Élysée, ahead of France’s European presidency. With a threefold mobilisation of the Élysée, Matignon, and the Quai d’Orsay, and a provisional budget of €140 million, Emmanuel Macron and his teams mobilised the full diplomatic capacity and political experience of France to transform these guidelines into concrete reforms. The French president positioned himself as a champion of a politically, financially, and militarily sovereign Europe, without losing sight of the objective of a growing and more humane Europe. He also stated that he had not forgotten the “climate challenge” ahead. Yet while the French presidential elections filled many pages of Macron’s agenda, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 reshuffled priorities and pushed EU Member States to respond rapidly and in unison to Vladimir Putin’s expansionist ambitions.

War in ukraine: crisis or opportunity?

Faced with the influx of refugees, the European Union declared itself ready to provide “unwavering support” to Ukrainians. An emergency budget of nearly €335 million enabled the reception of the first 7.6 million refugees and guaranteed them access to employment, education, and social protection. By the end of the PFUE, humanitarian aid funds raised by Member States (€1.2 billion) were added to the €4 billion already provided by the European Union, equally distributed between support for the Ukrainian population and its armed forces.

Unprecedented sanctions against Russia and Belarus followed immediately. The EU imposed an embargo on 90% of Russian oil and closed European ports and roads to Russian ships and trucks carrying goods. Russian media linked to the Kremlin were banned from European airwaves, Russian banks were excluded from the SWIFT transaction system, and Russia’s foreign exchange reserves held in European banks were frozen. Finally, the much-publicised “detox from Russian fossil fuels” proposed by Emmanuel Macron was accepted by the majority of Member States. These European sanctions targeting key sectors of Russian finance, transport, defence, and energy were implemented from the very start of the invasion.

A real challenge for Member States—who nonetheless demonstrated unprecedented cooperation—the Ukrainian crisis, as the backdrop to the PFUE, not only fostered a new consensus around energy transition to reduce Russian dependence, but also facilitated debate on European sovereignty and autonomy raised by the French president.

Toward a more sovereign europe

Becoming the symbol of strengthened European sovereignty, the “Versailles Agenda” was signed on 11 March 2022. This framework, composed of unprecedented agreements between European heads of state, rests on three pillars: strengthening Europe’s defence cooperation and capabilities through increased budgets; ending dependence on Russian energy and reducing fossil fuel use by diversifying energy supply routes; and strengthening European independence in raw materials, health, and food. The PFUE was also marked by reform of the Schengen Area. Reinforced border controls and the creation of a “Schengen Council” have, since June 2022, ensured citizen security in the face of external threats, health crises, and the instrumentalisation of migration.

Regarding EU defence policy, the drafting of a “White Paper” on European defence identifying common threats to the 27 Member States helped define the Union’s strategic orientation up to 2030. Subsequently, the replenishment of Member State stockpiles after military support to Ukraine and VAT exemptions in the military equipment sector were approved in Versailles. While general rearmament within NATO accompanies European reforms aimed at greater autonomy, the Union has not forgotten its neighbours and partners. In a proposal for a common European policy, Emmanuel Macron suggested strengthening economic, cultural, and security ties with third countries sharing democratic values, to combat organised crime and ensure better food security. At the same time, through the Council of the EU, he signed a mutually beneficial €150 billion agreement with the African Union, aimed at countering Chinese influence by distributing investments across a dozen themes, including health, modern infrastructure, and energy.

Through efforts toward European independence and sovereignty—so as no longer to pale before American and Chinese giants—a new European growth model took shape under the PFUE, prioritising production, innovation, and job creation.

The new european growth model

The French president brought an end to ten years of negotiations by establishing fair competition conditions between European companies on the global market, prohibiting restrictions or discriminatory practices by states. In May, the EU extended European rules to third countries, which may only receive European subsidies if their policies comply with EU law. The IPCEI (Important Project of Common European Interest) progressed, enabling greater industrial cooperation. Improved regulation of European financial services strengthened banks’ cybersecurity and transaction security, while better regulating cryptocurrencies. Emmanuel Macron also addressed competitiveness by launching a more ambitious space policy, proposing the creation of shared European infrastructure. While the EU increasingly regulates financial services, the Macron agenda also sought to build a “more humane” Europe, protecting consumers and citizens by extending these regulations to digital giants.

For a more humane europe

This ambitious regulation of digital services and markets is structured around two legislative levels. The first regulates digital markets by prohibiting major platforms from imposing default applications and software, and banning the use of personal data without consumer consent. The second limits illegal content on large platforms and imposes greater transparency obligations. These reforms guarantee consumer freedom of choice and reinforce the idea of a more digitally sovereign Europe. Still with citizen protection in mind, the PFUE established adequate minimum wages for each Member State to combat wage competition and social dumping, and imposed a 40% gender parity requirement by 2026 for publicly listed companies.

The French president also sought to provide a “solidary and secure” response to the migration challenge by introducing the “Asylum and Migration” pact to improve the distribution of refugees within Europe, while strengthening border controls to combat irregular movements. Attached to the democratic spirit shared by the EU-27, Emmanuel Macron presided over the Conference on the Future of Europe until May 2022, opening dialogue between European citizens and Member State leaders. Far more successful than France’s “Grand National Debate,” over 700,000 European citizens—including 50,000 young French people—were able to submit proposals and demands. Unsurprisingly, climate action emerged as the foremost demand, to which the PFUE responded with several measures.

Alongside the protection of citizens in an increasingly sovereign and independent Europe came the management of long-neglected climate imperatives.

Turning european climate ambitions into reality

The flagship reform of the PFUE’s climate agenda, backed by a €59 billion budget, aimed to establish the most ambitious ecological transition legislation in the world. With carbon neutrality targeted by 2050, the European Union imposed a uniform carbon price across its territory and will ban the sale of combustion-engine vehicles by 2035, in order to reach the symbolic threshold of 40% renewable energy in the European energy mix before 2040. These reforms were accompanied by a “carbon compensation” project that enabled the planting of 230,000 trees. An agreement against “imported deforestation,” signed by Member States, also prevents the entry into the European market of products that have significantly degraded the environment.

The obligation to display product sustainability on European labels further contributes to raising consumer awareness of climate issues. In numerical terms, the French presidency recorded over 2,000 meetings and 130 adopted legislative texts—an exceptionally high figure. But does this mean the PFUE’s record is as positive as it appears?

An assessment praised by the european community

In a letter published on 30 June 2022 on the EU website, the president welcomed having fulfilled his commitments. The return of war to the continent prompted Member States to rally behind the French presidency and impose heavy sanctions on Russia, alongside humanitarian assistance. The Ukrainian crisis and a complex geopolitical and health context did not divert the president from addressing climate and migration issues, nor from promoting social rights. Reforms of the Schengen Area, the fight against imported deforestation, reciprocity requirements in international trade, the refoundation of Euro-African relations, and gender parity agreements were all long-awaited reforms. Macron was not alone in praising his six-month mandate. Having delivered nearly the entirety of his agenda (97%), the few PFUE setbacks—such as the “Hungarian blockade” on taxation agreements and subsidy oversight—were overshadowed by Macron’s success, notably opening the European Union to the candidacies of Moldova and, above all, Ukraine.

It is undeniable that the PFUE’s record is positive. Macron projected the image of a demanding president, whose concerns encompassed sovereignty, defence, and economic growth as much as social and climate issues. Yet on the eve of the PFUE, Nicolas Sarkozy’s former communications adviser warned: “Managing the Council will distance the president from the French […] and presidential elections are not won in Brussels.” Does Macron’s acclaimed European mandate reflect the national policy he has pursued within France?

A more mixed national agenda

Many critics—political opponents or citizens—while not disputing the positive PFUE assessment, expressed surprise at the gap between European and French political agendas. Despite unprecedented European climate objectives, France stands apart from the other 26 EU Member States, all of which met or exceeded their renewable energy consumption targets (23% in 2021). Emmanuel Macron thus stands alone in climate inaction at the national level, having missed his targets in this area.

Faced with a turn toward European sovereignty and independence, France simultaneously confronts a severe loss of independence vis-à-vis the United States. Interdependence can be synonymous with efficiency in transatlantic cooperation, but dependence in resource supply or decision-making must be avoided. In 2018, French defence company MBDA suffered from ITAR (International Traffic in Arms Regulations), which allowed the United States to block France’s sale and export of SCALP missiles to Egypt. Advanced negotiations concerning the acquisition of French industrial groups—such as Exxelia by the American giant HEICO—raise questions about France’s future sovereignty, which Macron has worked so hard to defend at the European level. The acquisition of this group, which manufactures essential components in key industrial sectors such as aviation, defence, and space, would further widen the gap between the French rooster and the American eagle, which already holds all the cards to impose a specific catapult model on the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle.

On 13 July 2022, a European Commission report (“2022 Rule of Law Report”) tempered assessments of progress on the rule of law under the PFUE, noting the lack of independence of the French judiciary. The Commission called for reforms to increase magistrates’ accountability and protection—a reference to the case of Éric Dupond-Moretti, the first Minister of Justice to be referred to the Court of Justice of the Republic for “illegal conflict of interest” while in office. Once again praised for his handling of migration during the PFUE, President Macron has nevertheless refused since 21 May 2022 to answer questions regarding an “Asylum Start-up” accumulating subsidies despite failures, refusing transparency on the management of €1.7 million in public funds and on migrant reintegration statistics.

Finally, the Defender of Rights highlights “state inaction” regarding the 10 million French citizens struggling with digital procedures. Meanwhile, the Montaigne Institute reports the inadequacy of French armed forces in addressing new conflicts led by Russia and Turkey in the digital domain. These findings nuance the ambition of the French programme on consumer protection in the digital sphere and the fight against hybrid threats, showcased during the PFUE. They do not define Emmanuel Macron’s two mandates on their own, but they mark a sufficiently significant difference between the policy he pursued during the PFUE and the one applied domestically since 2017.

“A strong france in a strong europe”

Welcomed by French citizens and the European community, the PFUE improved political, economic, and military cooperation among Member States, and the new European model of regulated and solidarity-based production accompanied Europe’s climate transition. Digital regulation and corporate accountability have brought Europe closer to a balance that prevents monopolies while promoting innovation. Above all, the PFUE helped translate the ambitions of sovereignty and independence of the old continent—and therefore of France—into concrete action.

The president told journalists at L’Observateur that “a strong France can only exist within a strong Europe,” and that this was precisely what he sought to implement. Despite a noticeable divergence from his domestic policy, the PFUE helped restore France’s image, often criticised—sometimes rightly—for its “growth slowdown” and “loss of regional influence.” As an effective lens for understanding French foreign policy, the PFUE illustrates how a pro-European president sought to anchor his mandate in European cooperation, which he views as the best means for France and EU Member States to reduce dependence on other major powers in an increasingly multipolar world